Tuesday, July 5, 2016

Watch Your Language!

Congress shall make no law...

Sound familiar?  Of course, it does - it's the first few words of the First Amendment.  

How about these:

The USA PATRIOT Act
The SAFE Act
"I Like Ike"
"Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too"

What do all these have in common?  The use of language.  In politics, language can be used as much as a means of salesmanship as statesmanship.  Let's be honest - politicians are careful in their choice of words (okay, most of the time) in order to get you to come to a conclusion that favors the politician ("Vote for me!"  "Support this bill!").  And it can be very clever.  Let's take, for instance, the above USA PATRIOT Act.  Do you know what it stands for?  I mean, we all want to be patriotic, right?

USA PATRIOT Act:  Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act.  Quite a mouthful, isn't it?  I mean, who's going to bother reading about something with that long and cumbersome a title, right?  So, let's make it something catchy and at the same time make it sound like anyone who opposes it isn't a patriot.  Clever, huh?  Without debating the merits of the law, it's clever marketing, isn't it? 

Likewise, the SAFE Act.  We all like safety, right?  How about the Security and Freedom Enhancement Act?  I mean, still sounds good, right?  It's actually another law that provides for the amending of the USA PATRIOT Act.  Again, clever marketing.

Campaign slogans are also noted for clever, pithy phrases.  Has any campaign had a better, simpler slogan than "I Like Ike"?  (Okay, "Jeb!" from this year's GOP primary was simpler, but not especially effective, we must admit.)  "Tippecanoe and Tyler, Too" from 1840 had a catchy blend of rhyme and alliteration.  Clever, no?.  Both of the above slogans proved effective, too - William Henry Harrison ("Tippecanoe") won handily in 1840 and Dwight D. Eisenhower ("Ike") won a landslide in 1952.

But what does this have to do with the way I started this entry - "Congress shall make no law"?  I want to point out the power of language and the necessity in being precise when we use language about the Constitution, not clever political marketing ploys.

I referred to this concept way back when we started talking about the Amendments to the Constitution.  I asked this question: "Does the Constitution (and therefore, the federal governments) grant rights, or is its function to protect them?  There is a critical difference between the two ideas."

I think (I hope) we all can agree that the Bill of Rights, grants absolutely nothing.  Nope, not a thing. No rights were created by the Bill of Rights (sounds counter-intuitive, I know).   But look carefully at the language:  

"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances."


Note that the amendment restricts the government from making laws that infringe upon the rights listed.  The amendment does not purport to grant or create those rights - they are assumed to already exist and the amendment merely erects a legal barrier against government interference in the exercise of those already-existing rights.  Look at some of the following amendments and you will see a similar construction:

"...the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."

"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated..."

"...the right of trial by jury shall be preserved."

You get the point.  The rights listed above, among others, are assumed to be inherent, not artificially created by a mere political document.  

So, what? you ask.  So, I encourage you to use language properly when talking about the Constitution.  Personally, I have decided to avoid using the term "Constitutional Rights", since there are in fact no rights created by the Constitution.  Instead, I use "Constitutionally-protected rights".  Yes, I know it's cumbersome, and people will know what I mean if I use the first, common construction.  Still, I make the case that it's critical to the deeper understanding of the Constitution - and how it actually is written and intended to be understood - to use precise language whenever possible.  It can, at the very least, spark some interesting discussions.  So, go and discuss.

Friday, April 22, 2016

Wrapping it up with a drink and some cash - Amendments 18, 21 and 27

Amendment 18

It's commonly assumed that a general feeling of alcohol being the root of many societal ills was the driving force behind the 18th Amendment, known better as Prohibition.  The rest of the story is much more interesting and intricate.

But first, the text:

1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale, or
transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the
exportation thereof from the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction
thereof for beverage purposes is hereby prohibited.
2. The Congress and the several States shall have concurrent power to enforce this article
by appropriate legislation.
3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to
the Constitution by the legislatures of the several States, as provided in the Constitution,
within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.

That's is - no more Happy Hour, no more champagne toasts at weddings, no more cold beer after mowing the lawn.  What a nightmare!  But how did it happen?

Rather than trying to summarize, let me offer a link to an absolutely fascinating article about the genesis of Prohibition and the man who was the main motivator for it - a man you almost certainly never heard of - Wayne Wheeler.

http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/wayne-b-wheeler-the-man-who-turned-off-the-taps-14783512/

Naturally, there was widespread controversy, widespread protest and let's face it, widespread ignoring of the law.  But from January 16, 1919 until December 5, 1933, it was the law of the land, which left us with a legacy of lawbreakers like the bootleggers and crime bosses like Al Capone.  The law was a failure, so it was finally repealed by...

Amendment 21

Section 2. The transportation or importation into any State, Territory, or possession of the United States for delivery or use therein of intoxicating liquors, in violation of the laws thereof, is hereby prohibited.
Section 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by conventions in the several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.
Section 1 of the amendment repealed the 18th, getting rid of the federal ban on alcoholic beverages.  Pretty simple.  But...
Section 2 essential made liquor laws state issues.  States were free to allow or disallow alcohol according to its own laws, and several states indeed remained "dry", the last one to re-allow alcohol was Mississippi, in 1966.  Other laws stayed on the books longer, for example, Kansas prohibited public bars until 1987.
However, federal influence over alcohol sales did not end entirely.  As recently as 1987, the State of South Dakota sued the federal government (and lost) over the loss of federal highway funds due to the state's allowing of the sale of certain low-alcohol-content drinks ("near beer") to people under 21.

And now, the final entry in our exploration of the Amendments to the Constitution:

Amendment 27
This is one of the shortest amendments, word count-wise, but has the distinction of taking the longest of all the amendments to finally be ratified.  
No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of Representatives shall have intervened.
In effect, it means that Congress cannot just vote itself a raise just any old time it wants to.  If a raise is approved by Congress, the increase does not take effect until after the next election, ensuring that the voters have a chance to vote out anyone they feel was a little too greedy in their increase.  This has the effect of tempering the amount of a raise Congress is willing to give itself.  Too big a raise, and they risk being voted out of office.
But the really interesting part of this amendment is that it took a mere 202 years to be ratified.  You read that right: over two centuries passed from the time it was brought before Congress until the last requisite state ratified it.  The amendment was actually number two in an original twelve proposed by the first Congress.  The first on that list, dealing with numbers of representatives, was never ratified, and original amendments 3-12 became what we know as The Bill of Rights (so the amendment we know as the First Amendment started out as the third, and so on).
The first state to ratify the eventual 27th Amendment (and remember, it was the original second amendment!) was Maryland in 1789.  Six more states added their approval by 1792, but after that, no other state voted to ratify for another 80 years, when Ohio voted in favor in 1873.  And then, it was another century before Wyoming approved in 1978.  Twenty-two more states ratified in the 1980s and finally, in 1992, Michigan put it over the top.  And to think, all that time, COngress could just raise its salary whenever it wanted....  Good work if you can get it, right?

Well, that's it for the amendments.  What shall we talk about next?

Wednesday, April 20, 2016

The Office-Holding Amendments: 17, 20, 22, 23, 25

Amendment 17

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.
When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct.
This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect that the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution.
The major change made by this amendment is that the election of Senators was transferred from the state legislatures to the people directly.  The original intent of electing senators in the state houses was to ensure that the Senate represented the interests of the states, whereas the House was elected directly by the people, and therefore, in theory, was representing the interests of the general population.  It was a plan by which the Framers thought the interests of the states and the people would be properly balanced.  The Senate was designed to be a slower-moving, more deliberate body, as opposed to the more frequent changes of representation in the House.  So, why the change?
The Populist movement of the late 19th century and the "reformers" elected in the early 20th century argued that the Senate needed to be more responsive to the people and not become an aristocratic dinosaur of an institution.  Opponents of the proposed change worried that the Senate would be too susceptible to the whims of the people (as they saw the House) and chaos would follow.  In the end, the Reformers won (though notably, they added the last paragraph, exempting those already in office from having to be re-elected by popular vote).  On the other hand, the opponents of the plan gained a little victory by including a provision that allowed state governments to appoint temporary replacements to the Senate in case of sudden vacancies.
Interestingly, not all states ratified this amendment.  When 36 states did so in 1913, it came into effect, but five states voted to ratify after the fact (the latest being Rhode Island, which ratified in 2014 - over 100 years later!).  One state - Utah - outright rejected it, and eight states have never taken action on it.
Amendment 20
 This one provides for a set timetable for both the president and the Congress to take office, and what happens in case the president-elect dies prior to taking office.  Not a whole lot to discuss here, just mainly government adminis-trivia, to be honest.  Ratified January 23, 1933.

1. The terms of the President and Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of
January, and the terms of Senators and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January,
of the years in which such terms would have ended if this article had not been ratified;
and the terms of their successors shall then begin.
2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall begin
at noon on the 3d day of January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.
3. If, at the time fixed for the beginning of the term of the President, the President elect
shall have died, the Vice President elect shall become President. If a President shall not
have been chosen before the time fixed for the beginning of his term, or if the President
elect shall have failed to qualify, then the Vice President elect shall act as President until
a President shall have qualified; and the Congress may by law provide for the case
wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President elect shall have qualified, declaring
who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be
selected, and such person shall act accordingly until a President or Vice President shall
have qualified.
4. The Congress may by law provide for the case of the death of any of the persons from
whom the House of Representatives may choose a President whenever the right of choice
shall have devolved upon them, and for the case of the death of any of the persons from
whom the Senate may choose a Vice President whenever the right of choice shall have
devolved upon them.
5. Sections 1 and 2 shall take effect on the 15th day of October following the ratification
of this article.
6. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to
the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven
years from the date of its submission.

Amendment 22

1. No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person
who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a
term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of
the President more than once. But this Article shall not apply to any person holding the
office of President, when this Article was proposed by the Congress, and shall not
prevent any person who may be holding the office of President, or acting as President,
during the term within which this Article becomes operative from holding the office of
President or acting as President during the remainder of such term.
2. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to
the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven

years from the date of its submission to the States by the Congress.

After having elected Franklin Roosevelt to the presidency four times, Americans came to the general agreement that four terms in office (of which FDR served just over three, due to his death in 1945) was too much.  Washington had set an unofficial precedent by refusing to run for a third term (though due primarily to health reasons), and the practice was followed by Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson.  Several men did, in fact try to be elected a third time (Grant, Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt and Wilson), but none was successful.  When FDR came up for a potential third term in 1940, he declared he would only do so if "drafted" by the convention - only of delegates would vote for him without him actively campaigning in the primary.  He won the nomination in a landslide (946 votes for him, 133 for the other two contenders combined).  He ran again in 1944, was elected and died just over a month after taking his fourth oath of office.  He remains the only president to be elected more than twice and the only to serve more than eight years.

The 22nd Amendment ensures that no president will ever be elected more than twice, but a president could still serve more than eight years.  How?  First, Harry Truman could have been elected more that twice, as he was exempted from this amendment by virtue of being president when it was ratified.  Second, anyone serving less than two years of a predecessor's term can be elected twice on his or her own merit.  Lyndon Johnson, for example, could have run again in 1968 and served four more years in addition to the five he had already served (he only "used" about one year of Kennedy's term, after JFK'a assassination).   On the other hand, Ford, if he'd been elected in 1976, could not have run again in 1980 because he served more than two years of Nixon's term from the 1972 election.

There have been several attempts to repeal this amendment, but none have made it past their respective committees.

Interestingly, there is no prohibition on a former president serving as vice-president later on.  It's unclear whether a former president who has served two terms could Constitutionally become president if the current president leaves office (or if so, if the now-new president could serve more than two years).  Think of it like this:  If Hillary Clinton is elected president, would Bill Clinton legally be eligible to be vice-president?  And if Hillary leaves office after less than two years on the job, could Bill legally fulfill that term?  The theory, of course, has never been tested, but what an interesting debate that would be....

Amendment 23

1. The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall appoint in
such manner as the Congress may direct: A number of electors of President and Vice
President equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress to
which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but in no event more than the least
populous State; they shall be in addition to those appointed by the States, but they shall
be considered, for the purposes of the election of President and Vice President, to be
electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the District and perform such duties
as provided by the twelfth article of amendment.
2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Until this amendment was ratified on March 29, 1961, there was an ironic situation in the country that barred residents of Washington, D.C. - the seat of our national government - from voting in a presidential election.  Since D.C. was not a state, the residents thereof could not vote in a state election, which were the only ones authorized for presidential elections.  This amendment changed that by allowing votes cast in D.C. to be counted toward an electoral vote total equal to what the population of D.C. would have allowed, had it been a state (but no less than the number allotted to the least populous state - currently Wyoming).  How strange that it took so long to change this situation!

Amendment 25

1. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the
Vice President shall become President.
2. Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall
nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of
both Houses of Congress.
3. Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to
discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written
declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice
President as Acting President.
4. Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the
executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to
the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives
their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of
his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the
office as Acting President.
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and
the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability
exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a
majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body
as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore
of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration
that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon
Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty eight hours for that purpose if
not in session. If the Congress, within twenty one days after receipt of the latter written
declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty one days after Congress is
required to assemble, determines by two thirds vote of both Houses that the President is
unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue
to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the

powers and duties of his office.

Okay, this one is wordy, but it boils down to this:  

Case One: if the president is removed from office, the vice-president becomes president.  Pretty simple.  Think Ford taking over for Nixon (the first instance in which this amendment applied after ratification on February 10, 1967.

Case Two: if the vice-president is removed from office, the president nominates a replacement, with consent of the Congress.  Again, think of Nixon - when VP Spiro Agnew resigned, Nixon nominated Ford to replace him.  Interesting side note:  taking the two cases above in reverse order, Ford is the only president in our history to have held that office while being elected neither to the presidency nor to the vice-presidency!

Case Three:  If the president realizes he cannot discharge his duties, he can notify the Congress and transfer power to the VP as acting president until the actual president is ready to resume duties.  This has been invoked by Presidents Reagan and George W Bush when they underwent surgeries, temporarily transferring power to their respective VPs until recovered from surgery.

Case Four:  If the VP and executive leaders or the Congress determine that the president is incapable of fulfilling his duties, they may remove the power from him and invest it int he VP.  This has never been invoked, but perhaps should have been after the attempted assassination of Reagan.  He, of course, could not initiate the transfer on his own, as he was in surgery, and VP Bush could not initiate it, as he was on a plane and was not entirely sure of the situation, and by the time he landed, Reagan was out of surgery.  This, perhaps, was a case in which Congress could have stepped in, but they did not.

Well, that was a lot to digest, and we're almost done with the amendments.  


Next up:  Wrapping up the amendments with booze and money....

Pay Up! The Sixteenth Amendment

The Sixteenth Amendment was ratified (Or was it?  Controversy to follow...) on Feb 2, 1913, and authorized the collection of an income tax on American citizens.  Prior to this amendment, taxes were apportioned among the states, according to population.  Since this method was not a proportional one, and nothing in the Constitution authorized it, an amendment was needed.

The text of the amendment is short and to the point:

"The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever
source derived, without apportionment among the several States, and without regard to
any census or enumeration."

That's it - your annual April 15th headache, in a nutshell.  Fork it over, citizens.

But as I mentioned, there was (and still is, in some fringe circles) some doubt about whether or not the amendment was ever actually ratified.  Those who take that position point to the fact that in some states, at least, the text the legislatures voted on had various typos, not the precise wording of the amendment (the differences being mainly matters of some word not being capitalized or some other word being in the singular instead of the plural - nothing that changed the actual content or intent of the amendment).  Some claim that since the legislatures in question did not vote on the precise wording of the amendment, they didn't really ratify it (and some go so far as to say that some bodies deliberately misspelled words in order to later claim they never ratified).  The fact is, the states have no authority to alter or edit what they were voting on - it's an up-or-down vote and if they voted for an income tax proposed by the federal government, then they voted to ratify the amendment.

But who among us doesn't secretly wish that maybe those folks are right and the income tax will be repealed?

Not gonna happen.  Not without a new tax to take its place, anyway.  Which sets up another interesting question:  if a future president and Congress decides to alter the way in which revenue is collected for the federal government (a consumption or value-added tax, for example), does the Sixteenth Amendment need to be repealed?  After all, the amendment merely authorizes an income tax, but doesn't mandate one.  Can we trust our representatives to leave the amendment intact and not use the power granted by it?  Or is it simply the nature of government to grow and accrue power, as Madison and the Federalists warned, and it's up to We, the People, to rein it in when necessary?

On a lighter note, here are a couple clips about taxes from one of my favorite movies (and no doubt what we all imagine Congress and the IRS to act like):



Next up:  The office-holding amendments

Friday, October 30, 2015

The Voting Amendments - 19, 23, 24, 26

A great number of Constitutional amendments deal with voting, which should come as no surprise.  Voting is, of course, the bedrock of democracy, and a right which we all properly hold dear.

We all remember that in the beginning (of our country, that is), the vote was reserved for white male property owners only.  Sure, we can look back and say, "That was awful," and look down our noses at the "unenlightened" Founders as examples of racism and sexism and other -isms.  But we must keep in mind that the conditions then were different than today, and we must be careful not commit the mistake of "presentism" when evaluating another time in history.

The theory back then was that only property owners should vote because they were the ones who had "skin in the game" - in other words, they were the ones paying taxes and funding the government, so they should be the ones making the decisions.  In a way, it makes sense, but as time went on, more and more people, naturally, wanted to vote and have a say in their own governance.  The first step in that direction was the Fifteenth Amendment (which we previously discussed here), removing race as an impediment to voting.  I could easily have included the Fifteenth Amendment in this entry, but thought it more properly belonged in the grouping of the Civil War and Reconstruction amendments.  So, let's begin with the Nineteenth Amendment and go chronologically...


Amendment 19
The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.
Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Perhaps the most famous - and among the shortest in the number of words - of the voting amendments is the Nineteenth, which removed gender as a barrier to voting.  Note that I do not say, "It gave women the right to vote," because it did not.  As with every other part of the Bill of Rights and the amendments, it merely lifted a barrier to the exercise of a right that was already assumed to exist.  Read the first line again to help you understand this.  
As we discussed above, white male property owners were the "original" voters.  Then the Fifteenth Amendment removed race as an impediment to voting, but that had an effect only on black males.  Fully half the population was still locked out of the voting booth.  There are tons and tons of books and great research on the women's suffrage movement, and I won't do justice to their story in a blog, but it interesting to see that a newly-released movie ("Suffragette") with an all-star cast celebrates this achievement.  You can read about it here.
On a much lighter note, who doesn't love "Mary Poppins" and the song "Sister Suffragette"?
The Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in 1920, when the 36th state gave its approval.  (If I may indulge in a little hometown cheerleading, my home state of Wisconsin was the first to ratify.)  Twelve more states eventually voted in favor, making it unanimous (Alaska and Hawaii were not states at the time), though the last to cast its vote in favor of the amendment was Mississippi in 1984.
No other amendment removed voting barriers from more people than the 19th.
Amendment 23
Section 1. The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall appoint in such manner as the Congress may direct:
A number of electors of President and Vice President equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress to which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but in no event more than the least populous State; they shall be in addition to those appointed by the States, but they shall be considered, for the purposes of the election of President and Vice President, to be electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the District and perform such duties as provided by the twelfth article of amendment.
Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Until the ratification of this amendment in 1961, the residents of Washington, D.C. had no vote in presidential elections.  Since D.C. is not a state, and the Constitution is explicit about electors being chosen in proportion to a state's congressional representation, the residents there had no electors, and therefore, no vote for president.  Ironic, isn't it, that the people who live where our federal government is headquartered were not allowed to vote for president?  Clearly, that wasn't fair, but it took over 180 years to fix that particular problem (actually, less than that since Washington, D.C. wasn't even created for some time after the Constitution went into effect, but still...).
Interestingly, from a partisan point of view, in every single presidential election since the amendment was ratified, D.C. voters have voted for the Democrat candidate.
This amendment was ratified by 40 states and was enacted in 1961, making 1964 the first presidential election year in which D.C. residents could participate.  Once state (Arkansas) rejected the amendment and nine have never taken action on it.
Amendment 24
Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or other tax.
Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
This amendment formally abolished the poll tax, which was used in several, mostly southern, states as an impediment to blacks voting.  At the time of ratification in 1964, only five states still had such a tax, but that all ended immediately.
The poll tax was a tactic used by Democrat-led legislatures after Reconstruction in order to keep blacks and even poor whites from voting.  The tax was actually upheld originally in the Supreme Court decision Breedlove v Suttles in 1937.  The Supreme Court only overturned the Breedlove decision in 1966, after the passage of the 24th Amendment, citing the tax as a violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment (which we discussed here in my last entry).
38 states voted in favor of the amendment to get it ratified, while four more gave it their approval later.  Mississippi rejected it and eight states have never taken action on it.
Amendment 26
Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age.
Section 2. The Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Driven by the youth movement and student activism in the 1960s, the 26th Amendment lowered the voting age from 21 to 18.  The push to lower the voting age had begun decades earlier and had been endorsed by President Eisenhower in the 1950s.  President Nixon signed an extension of the Voting Rights Act to lower the voting age to 18 in all elections, but the Constitution had yet to be amended.  Eventually, the Senate passed the amendment unanimously and the House voted 401-19 in favor.  Ratification by the states was completed in 1971 when 38 states voted in favor.  Five more states ratified later (South Dakota waited until 2014 to ratify!) and seven states have taken no action.

Well, friends, that was a lot to digest.  I look forward to your comments and discussion.  
Next up: The Office-Holding Amendments



Monday, September 28, 2015

The Fourteenth Amendment - Permanent Shockwaves

As promised in the last issue, we'll tackle the Fourteenth Amendment by itself this time.  Outside of the amendments in the Bill of Rights, probably no other amendment to the Constitution has a greater effect on our daily life and political discourse than the fourteenth.

It was ratified on July 9, 1868 as one of the "Reconstruction Amendments", often being grouped together with the 13th and 15th, as we discussed in the last blog.  Let's begin with the actual text (also one of the longest of the amendments):

Section 1.

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2.

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state.

Section 3.

No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

Section 4.

The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5.

The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

Now, let's tackle each section one at a time, but not get too terribly deep into the weeds.
Section 1:  This contains several clauses, referred to as "The Citizenship Clause", "The Privileges and Immunities Clause", "The Due Process Clause" and "The Equal Protection Clause".  This amendments, and this section in particular, is one of the most-litigated parts of the Constitution.  It was the basis for such famous decisions as "Roe v Wade" (abortion), "Bush v Gore" (the 2000 presidential election) and "Obergefell v Hodges" (same-sex marriage).
The Citizenship Clause is in the news these days as the country debates our immigration policy.  Historically, it's been understood that anyone born on U.S. soil is automatically a citizen, based on the first part of the first sentence - "All persons born or naturalized in the United States...".  This partial sentence leads to what some critics call "anchor babies" - children of illegal immigrants who, by virtue of being born in the U.S. are automatically citizens.  The critics point out that the second part of the sentence "...and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" excludes "anchor babies", as their parents, and therefore, the babies, are subject to the jurisdiction of another country in terms of actual citizenship, and therefore, cannot be citizens of the U.S. based simply on the geography of childbirth.  This clause was also the basis of overturning the notorious "Dred Scott" decision. It also excluded Native Americans who maintained tribal citizenship and loyalty (the option for them to become U.S. citizens was gradually offered over the next century or so).  Surprisingly, the Supreme Court has never issued a definitive opinion on the subject of the "anchor baby" debate.  This could get interesting...
The Privileges and Immunities Clause ensures that one state cannot discriminate against the citizens of another state in terms of fundamental rights.  It does not apply to commerce (for example, a professional license in one state does not automatically transfer to another).
The Due Process Clause ensures that no state may deprive anyone of life, liberty or property without specific legislative guidance.  This clause has also been employed by the Supreme Court to "incorprate" the Bill of Rights against the states, meaning that the protections of the Bill of Rights apply to all levels of government, not just the federal.
And finally, the Equal Protection Clause is the basis for much of the Civil Rights cases, including "Brown v Board of Education" and the previously mentioned "Obergefell".  It has been interpreted to ensure that citizens' rights in one state are upheld in all others.  As you may imagine, its scope is vast, and seems to increase as time passes.
Section 2: This changed the manner in which the states' populations are counted for representation purposes.  It effectively nullified the "Three-Fifths" clause in Article I of the Constitution, which counted only 3/5 of a state's slave population.  It also provides for a state's representation to be reduced if it wrongly denies any (male) citizen's right to vote (adding women to this clause would happen with the passage of the 19th Amendment 50 years later....)
Section 3:  Effectively bans traitors and rebels who formerly held office from ever again holding office.  Yes, this was mostly a punishment for former Confederate officers and officials, but notably, the bans on General Robert E. Lee and Confederate president Jefferson Davis were posthumously lifted about a century later.  Also, such a ban can be lifted by a two-thirds vote in Congress on a case-by-case basis.
Section 4:  This declares that all debt held by the United States is not to be questioned or put in any sort of jeopardy.  It also ensured that the federal government was not liable for loss of slaves or property in the Confederacy.  In a more contemporary context, this is the basis for the debate over the "debt ceiling".  A literal reading of the section might imply that having a debt ceiling at all is unconstitutional, since the federal debt is not to be put in doubt as to its validity or the federal government's ability to pay.  Some analysts argue that the president has the implied power to raise the debt ceiling so as not to violate that tenet, but others insist that the president has no power to do so, as all revenue bills must originate in the House of Representatives, according to Article I of the Constitution.  The pragmatists will argue that our debt, legitimate or not, cannot be forever increased and must be addressed strongly.  But that's an argument outside the actual language of the amendment.
Section 5: This is boilerplate language that becomes common in amendments, giving Congress broad latitude to enact laws pursuant to the amendment in order to put is provisions into effect.

Well, that's a large amendment, with far-reaching effects, and will continue to do so for as long as our country exists, in all likelihood.  Hope you've stayed awake and with me so far.
Next up: The "Election Amendments"

Sunday, September 20, 2015

The Civil War and Reconstruction - Amendments 13-15 (and the 24th), Plus a Special Treat

After another unforgivably long gap, and another pilgrimage to the National Constitution Center, it's time for the next installment.  In keeping with my earlier plan of grouping similar amendments together, this set is pretty handy, as they are all close together chronologically and in subject matter.

Often called the Reconstruction Amendments or Civil War Amendments, numbers thirteen fourteen and fifteen all deal with the causes and effects of the Civil War and its aftermath.  They were ratified during and after the war (13 - 1865, 14 - 1868 and 15 - 1870)  and dealt with (some of) the unresolved issues of the day.  In this blog, we'll concentrate on the thirteenth and fifteenth Amendments and touch on the twenty-fourth, too.  We'll briefly mention the fourteenth, but that one needs an entry all to itself, and why that is will be clear later.

The Thirteenth Amendment says:

Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Pretty straightforward.  This amendment ended slavery in the United States and its territories.  Period.  It's often thought and taught that Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation ended slavery, but it had no force of fundamental law.  It was great a bit of writing, of course, but it was really an expedient wartime act, not a fundamental change in our country's governing document.  The 13th Amendment was the focus of the recent Oscar-winning movie "Lincoln" by Steven Spielberg.  Though serious historians may argue the details of the debate over the amendment as shown in the film, I'd still highly recommend the movie to one and all, if for no other reason than to see Daniel Day-Lewis' stunning portrayal of Lincoln.  
The Fourteenth Amendment will get short shrift here, and I promise to make it up in the next entry. The reason for that is that the 14th is very dense and is probably the amendment (outside of the Bill of Rights Amendments) that has the most direct affect on out daily lives and contemporary political debates and discussions.  You may be surprised at how far-reaching it has become, on topics from abortion to same-sex marriage to civil rights and affirmative action and more.  That may be a really long blog...
So, let's skip ahead to the Fifteenth Amendment, another short and sweet one.
Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Again, pretty clear and unambiguous.  Race is no basis for the denial of voting rights.  (Sadly, gender still was - it would be 50 more years before the 19th Amendment was ratified, lifting the barrier that kept women from voting.).  
The voting rights of black Americans was further reinforced a century later with the elimination of the poll tax in 1964 with the ratification of the 24th Amendment.  
Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or other tax.
Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
The poll tax had been adopted in many of the former states of the Confederacy in order to discourage voting by blacks and poor whites, though by the time the amendment was ratified, only five states still had a poll tax, and the amendment barred such taxes for federal elections.  In 1966, the Supreme Court ruled in Harper v Virginia Board of Elections that poll taxes of any sort were unconstitutional, saying they violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment (see why we have to do the 14th on its own?).
There is one fundamentally important point I want to make here.  Read the amendments above very carefully.  There is some language usage that needs proper emphasis.  It's often said that the fifteenth amendment gave blacks the right to vote and the nineteenth gave women the right to vote.  Not true.  The amendments, as written say nothing about giving anyone the right to vote.  They say that the right of (blacks or women) to vote will not be denied based on race or gender.  In other words, the right was always there, as a fundamental thing.  The amendments merely removed the obstacles in the way of exercising those inherent rights.  That's critical to understand, not just in these cases, but when trying to understand the Constitution in general.  Nothing in the document gives anyone any rights.  Rights are not the government's (or the Constitution's) to give.  The Constitution merely restrains the government from placing barriers to the exercise of those inherent rights.  Go back and read the Bill of Rights.  Not a single right was granted, but all rights mentioned are assumed to pre-exist and are merely protected by the amendments.

Now, for a treat.  Thinking about the Civil War/Reconstruction Amendments brings to mind the recent controversy over the Confederate battle flag.  I have an essay here, written by Duane J. Rodel, which I think all of you will find well-reasoned and thought-provoking.  
To establish Mr. Rodel's bona fides, he is a graduate of Ripon College, where he earned degrees in History and English, was named to the Dean's List and graduated with departmental honors in History.  He also earned a Master's Degree from the highly-regarded School of Library and Information Studies at the University of Wisconsin, where he specialized in archiving.  He has worked as a digital archivist at the Wisconsin Veterans Museum, where he embarked on a multi-year project to make all of the museum's Civil War records digital and available online for the public to view at will.  See here for a preview of some of the museum's archival material.  There is no one I know personally who is better qualified to comment on Civil War history and its context as it relates to our modern time.  Enjoy!

On the Confederate Battle Flag

In the wake of the horrific and tragic shooting in Charleston, there
has been a lot of figurative ink spilled over a photo of the shooter,
Dylann Roof. Seen posing in a photograph with a Confederate flag - to
be precise, the Confederate Battle Flag, designed by William Porcher
Miles in 1861 - the uproar has prompted a number of Southern states to
begin reconsidering its use in their iconography and its display
on public grounds, and retailers to pull it from shelves physical
and virtual.

Comparatively less noise has been made about the other photo, which
shows Roof burning a US flag clutched in his hand. This photo,
however, is the more telling one, and reveals exactly why the
Confederate flag needs to be retired to the museum and the
re-enactment once and for all.

Whatever it is supposed to mean now, the cold hard truth behind the
flag is that it was designed for an illegitimate state: a state which
came into being not as a result of an over-reaching edict from the
President or Congress, but because of the simple results of an
election, a state that was founded not even with the implicit intent
to preserve and perpetuate racist human slavery but the very explicit
purpose to do so, a state whose first significant act was opening fire
on U.S. troops at a U.S. military installation, Fort Sumter. This
state was the deadliest foe the United States of America had ever
faced and remains its deadliest, two centuries on. Only World War II
had more combat casualties, and only if you combine the total
casualties of every other war before and since the Civil War will you exceed
it. It should be inconceivable that anyone who considers him- or herself a
patriot for this country to cling to such a symbol, and the
photographs of Roof only go to show that true love for this country
and her people are fundamentally incompatible with clinging to the
legacy of the Confederate States.

Those who survived that hellish maelstrom felt its affects the rest of
their lives and also felt, as strongly as any veteran of wars of the
20th and 21st century, the desire to not see their sacrifice and the
sacrifices of their family, friends, comrades and neighbors
invalidated. Lucius Fairchild, Civil War veteran and tenth Governor of
Wisconsin, had this to say about an executive order issued by
President Grover Cleveland mandating the return of captured
Confederate battle flags:

"May God palsy the hand that wrote that order! May God palsy the brain
that conceived it, and may God palsy the tongue that dictated it!"

Aside from putting to bed the notion that venom in politics is a
modern invention, it shows just how strongly and passionately veterans
of the Civil War felt about the importance - and moral necessity - of
what they had done. Cleveland wisely rescinded the order shortly after
this outburst.

The notion that neither North nor South was the antagonist or
protagonist of the war is historical revisionism, a revisionism so old
it has itself become history. The romance and myth of the Lost Cause
of the Confederacy - the idea that noble, idyllic antebellum life was
shattered by a tragic war which was unavoidable and for which nobody
holds fault - dates back to 1866, a mere year after the war's
conclusion at Appomattox and the assassination of our President, and
from that day forward apologists have been tireless in redefining and
obscuring the war's cause and origin in our collective memory. It has
since metastasized and spread beyond the borders of the former
Confederacy and infected mainstream thought across the United States,
and cultural landmarks, such as “Birth of a Nation” and “Gone With the
Wind”, have unfortunately only helped cement its place there.

This, combined with Nixon's use of the Southern Strategy in the 1960s,
has created a bizarro world where some Republicans go out of their way
to defend a symbol that our first Republican President was murdered
for defeating, and for which thousands of American soldiers died to
remove from our shores.

Some have argued that time has divorced the flag from its legacy as a
symbol of the Confederate States of America, and that it now only
stands to champion Southern values. If that is indeed the case, then
why does its removal matter? If it has become innocuous, then getting
rid of it or replacing it should not be the trauma that many are
making of it.

There is much that is great about the South - some of the most
uniquely American music, cuisine, architecture, and art comes from the
South. I have to ask, then, why not rally to those sorts of icons as a
signifier of Southern identity instead? Why crouch forever in the
shadow of an illegitimate, failed state which existed less than a
decade and which killed hundreds of thousands of Americans and
enslaved thousands more in that failed bid to exist?

Similarly, there are great military minds and traditions that have
arisen in the South before and after the war that deserve greater
praise than her rebellious generals. Off the top of my head, General
Douglas MacArthur - the great commander who led us to victory in the
Pacific in World War II - was a son of Arkansas and a graduate of West
Texas Military Academy. I am sure there are many others besides him.
Norfolk, Virginia is the beating heart of our Navy. Aviation has its
roots in the soil and sandy beaches of North Carolina. All of this
greatness is divisible from the legacy of the Confederate States, and
if anything, surpasses it. Nathan Bedford Forrest would not be worthy
to shine MacArthur's boots - he is certainly not worth a statue.
To some, it's a problem of timing: coming after successive waves of
politicized racial unrest and a breakdown in law and order that has
polarized the nation, some Republicans feel it would be handing another victory to
the Democratic party and its agenda. I say that the controversy over
the flag is neither here nor there - it's a reckoning that is
one hundred and fifty years overdue. I do not share the beliefs that
many rallying under the #TakeDownTheFlag hashtag do about this country
- that racism is part of our DNA or that it is an inescapable original
sin, for which we must endlessly self-flagellate. But I recognize
that, even when you are coming from the wrong premise, you can
occasionally draw and fight for the right conclusion. As the cliché
goes, "Even a broken clock is right twice a day," and the hour has
finally struck for this last legacy of the Confederate States.

As a Catholic, part of my religious education and upbringing involved
not just learning about the good parts of the history of the Catholic
Church, but also recognizing the bad. I can be inspired by the great
artwork and architecture of St. Peter's Basilica without losing sight
of the overreach and corruption of the medieval church in selling
indulgences. So too, I think Southerners can - and must - learn to
recognize the mistakes in their past, even as they celebrate their
glories, and to stop mistaking one for the other. And part of this
process must involve putting aside that flag once and for all.

© Duane J. Rodel, July 6, 2015, Madison, WI